By Antonio Negri
Factory of Strategy is the final of Antonio Negri's significant political works to be translated into English. Rigorous and available, it's either a scientific inquiry into the advance of Lenin's notion and an encapsulation of a serious shift in Negri's theoretical trajectory.
Lenin is the single well-known baby-kisser of the fashionable period to noticeably query the "withering away" and "extinction" of the country, and prefer Marx, he famous the hyperlink among capitalism and smooth sovereignty and the necessity to damage capitalism and reconfigure the country. Negri refrains from portraying Lenin as a ferocious dictator imposing the proletariat's reappropriation of wealth, nor does he depict him as a trifling army instrument of a forefront against the Ancien Régime. Negri in its place champions Leninism's skill to conform to diversified working-class configurations in Russia, China, Latin the USA, and in different places. He argues that Lenin constructed a brand new political figuration in and past modernity and a good association in a position to soaking up diversified old stipulations. He eventually urges readers to acknowledge the common software of Leninism this day and its strength to institutionally―not anarchically―dismantle centralized power.
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Additional resources for Factory of Strategy: Thirty-Three Lessons on Lenin (Insurrections: Critical Studies in Religion, Politics, and Culture)
Lenin eviscerates those analytical facets, reshapes, and renovates them whereas continuously subjecting them to the sectarianism of the perform that innervates his concept of the celebration and to which he responds. The usefulness of this system, its consistent flexibility of method of specific occasions, and the politically and theoretically inventive reasons it retains contributing to the employees’ technological know-how of revolution are appear in his research of the Soviets and in how this research turns into an device of agitation and association for the revolution. The historic culture of proletarian struggles that Lenin politically reinterprets bargains a large number of council reviews. The councils have been the direct expression of the exploited type, and have been rooted in that category and arranged in considerably democratic types; they have been the results of a innovative fight and marked its such a lot acute levels. particularly, the culture H I S T O R I C A L A N A LY S I S LENIN AND THE SOVIETS provided at the very least 3 average versions of Soviet association: the council as an organ of the management of innovative fight (the councils of infantrymen within the English Revolution); the council as consultant of the pursuits of the proletariat within the constitution of bourgeois republican energy (the Luxembourg fee of 1848); and the Communard council as “class geared up in country strength. ” The research and the ideological initiatives of socialist theoreticians have been in keeping with those examples. It used to be no coincidence that anarchic populism had exalted the council second of the mass administration of the struggles, as much as the utopia of a “federalism of the barricades,” while the Proudhonian culture retraced the root and decorum of a pluralist ideology within the democratic radicalism of the councils. As for Marx, the query is straight away simplified in an ironic comment at the vainness of any institutionalization of the councils and, as a rule, any proletarian self-government on the planet of capitalist construction. Marx observed the Luxembourg fee as “a socialist synagogue” (which it was), and idea that the undertaking of a democratic association of work was once only a aid for the capitalist association of work, and therefore not anything yet an indication of immaturity and political impotence. 1 yet within the similar textual content Marx already outlines a definition of the relation among the fight of the operating type and the political move of capital. past the mystifying impression of the reformist establishment, there's the truth that the proletariat had received it as a concession from the bourgeoisie. the staff “imposed” the bourgeois republic, and “the February Republic used to be pressured to proclaim itself a republic surrounded through social establishment. ”2 the outcome, once the proletariat imposed it, used to be dissolved and progressively grew to become the substance of the reformism of capital. For the proletariat this is often now not anything however the new start line for a staff’ fight at the next point: it truly is our curiosity and our job to make the revolution everlasting, till all kind of owning sessions were pressured out in their place of dominance, till the proletariat has conquered country energy, and the organization of proletarians, not just in a single state yet in the entire dominant international locations of the area, has complicated up to now that pageant one of the 102 T H E S OV I E T S B E T W E E N S P O N TA N E I T Y A N D T H E O RY proletarians of those nations has ceased and that at the least the decisive efficient forces are centred within the palms of the proletarians.